David Remnick’s conversation with Colin Kaepernick, ahead of the memoir “The Perilous Fight,” is less a football interview than an account of how a league disciplines its labor. Kaepernick walks through the combine, the blackballing, and the politics he declines to disown.
On the combine: prospects walk onstage in compression shorts to be photographed. “There’s an understanding that this has parallels to slave-auction blocks. There’s no reason for us to walk onstage.” No other sport does it, and it has no bearing on the job. The interviews were worse — questions about players’ sexuality and their mothers, and after 2016, “What do you think about Colin Kaepernick?” Illegal questions in any labor engagement, which he reads as obedience screening: “Is this player obedient? Are they going to conform?” He sat during the anthem for three preseason games alone in 2016. Eric Reid, a safety from Baton Rouge, proposed kneeling so the protest could not be framed as distancing himself from the team. He was not protesting the league. The league made it about itself anyway: owners who raised millions for Trump, a reported call saying “this is a winning issue for me,” and, from one teammate, “My owner told me that I can’t protest.” Kaepernick: “an unfathomable sentence.” Seattle brought him in but ran no workout — “we already know you’re a starter” — and asked only about his politics. The business case for punishing him was false: his jersey was the No. 1 seller, and Nike’s 2018 “Dream Crazy” campaign added roughly six billion dollars to the company’s stock. On the C.T.E. finding that one in four players will develop it: “I think that’s very generous framing at twenty-five per cent.” He describes each collision as a thirty-five-mile-an-hour car crash, sixty to seventy plays a game, seventeen weeks. Asked about A.O.C.’s “Woke 1 was crazy” remark, he refuses the frame: it did not come from the communities doing the work, and years of that work created the conditions that let a Mamdani win. He will not denounce it. His political education reads like a syllabus — Malcolm X, Baldwin, Fanon, Huey Newton, Angela Davis, and a decolonization class he audited at Berkeley, all before he ever took a knee. That is why he can say the policing he grew up with was never a run of bad individual moments but a system with an origin in slave patrols.
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